• Ανταποκρίσεις από BBC και CNN

τελευταία επεξεργασία December 10, 2008 από adbasil

The BBC's Malcolm Brabant looks at why student anger has erupted across Greece over Saturday's fatal police shooting of a teenage boy.

Rebellion deeply embedded in Greece

The riots that have swept Greece for the past two days and look set to continue for the foreseeable future underline why the most important day in the national calendar is "Oxi" or "No" day.

"Oxi" day commemorates 28 October 1940, when Greek leader Ioannis Metaxas used that single word to reply to Mussolini's ultimatum to allow Italy to invade Greece, propelling his nation into World War II.

 

When Greeks say no, they mean it in spades.

Rebellion is deeply embedded in the Greek psyche. The students and school children who are now laying siege to police stations and trying to bring down the government are undergoing a rite of passage. They may be the iPod generation, but they are the inheritors of a tradition that goes back centuries, when nuns would rather hurl themselves to death from mountain convents than submit to the ravages of Greece's Turkish Ottoman invaders.

 

Springboards for violence

The centre for this December rebellion is the Athens Polytechnic, where students have been out on the streets with wheelbarrows and shopping trolleys to collect and recycle rocks and pieces of marble used in the previous night's assaults.

 

The polytechnic is the symbol of modern rebellion.

On 17 November 1973, tanks of the then six-year-old military dictatorship burst through the iron railings to suppress a student uprising against the colonels.

The exact casualty figure is still unknown to this day but it is believed that around 40 people were killed. The sacrifice of the polytechnic was so significant that the post-junta architects of Greece's new constitution drafted the right of asylum, which bans the authorities from entering the grounds of schools and universities. That is why places of learning are the springboards for the current wave of violence and it also explains why many of the riots are in university towns.

Students and pupils have effectively been given carte blanche to carry on protesting, because their professors have declared a three-day strike.

 

Out of control

Although many of today's protestors were not born when the polytechnic gates were crushed by the tanks, the lesson of the students' martyrdom is a key component of every Greek child's school democracy curriculum.

The latent Greek contempt for the police, which has now erupted so volcanically, has its roots in the dictatorship, when the police were regarded as the colonels' enforcers and traitors to the people.

The death of 15-year-old Alexandros Grigoropoulos at the hands of an experienced 37-year-old policeman has precipitated a wave of nationwide violence unseen since the dictatorship. Whether it will lead to the fall of the unpopular conservative government of Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis is unclear.

It is premature to see the troubles as Greece's reprise of the Paris uprising of 1968.

 


 

One of the wisest observations has come from Nikos Konstandaras, the managing editor of Kathimerini, one of Greece's more sober and respected newspapers.

In an editorial entitled "Anger's teen martyr", Mr Konstandaras wrote that Mr Grioropoulos' blood would be "used to bind together every disparate protest and complaint into a platform of righteous rage against all the ills of our society. It will quickly become a flag of convenience for anyone who has a grudge against the state, the government, the economic system, foreign powers, capitalism and so on."

"If Greece had already appeared difficult to govern, it will now be out of control."

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CNN

 

Is there a wider political context to the unrest?
Greece has endured a tumultuous 18 months. Karamanlis called a snap election in mid-2007 to back his proposals for reforming Greece's social and economic system, including the privatization of ailing public institutions such as Olympic Airlines. He has argued that such reforms are necessary if Greece is to compete with the rest of Europe and the wider world. Karamanlis assured workers -- one in five of whom lives below the poverty line according to government statistics -- that massive layoffs would not result from the reforms.

 

What happened?

Just weeks before the September election, forest fires ravaged much of Greece, leaving at least 70 people dead. Many blamed Greece's slow bureaucracy for not responding quickly enough to the disaster. For his part Karamanlis suggested that the blazes might have been set by political extremists ahead of the vote -- a claim that his left-wing rivals claimed was made to destabilize the nation. Karamanlis was re-elected for a second term -- but only by a slim majority.

 

How have the reform plans fared?

Not well. Union leaders -- who represent around half the Greek workforce to a union -- have argued that planned pensions reforms, which would end most forms of early retirement, fail to protect workers.

"It is unjust and unfair to all categories of workers, mainly working mothers and young people entering the labor force," Yiannis Panagopoulos, head of GSEE, one of the two main labor unions, said in March. The government has argued that such reforms are especially necessary, given how the nation's low birthrate will likely impose a burden on future generations.

There have been several strikes during the past year that at various times have hit all transport networks, including international airports, schools, courts, banks, public offices, hospitals, utilities and media organizations. At times garbage has been left uncollected and homes and offices have suffered power blackouts.

A demonstration in Athens during the latest general strike during October descended into skirmishes as protesters confronted police, who responded with tear gas. The worldwide financial crisis has hit Greece hard as well. The government has been forced to cut ambitious growth targets, despite a projected GDP growth of about 3 percent -- above fellow Eurozone nations. Flagging revenues have also forced the government to impose new taxes on capital gains and the self-employed, and also to bring forward plans for privatization.

 

Is there a history of unrest in Greece?

Greece gave the world the word and ideal "democracy" and has itself enjoyed a period of political stability since the mid 1970s.

A member of NATO and the European Union, it became a parliamentary democracy in 1952 following civil unrest after the end of World War II. But a coup in 1967 saw the army take control, ban elections and institute a repressive right-wing junta that eventually abolished the monarchy in 1973. Civil unrest saw the overthrow of the regime and the introduction of a republic in 1975. Since then Greece has gradually sought to redefine and modernize its image, especially during the past decade, staging the Olympics in 2004 and attempting to forge stronger ties with Turkey, its traditional rival.

But Greece has not been without civil strike beyond street demonstrations.

For more than two decades the November 17 terror group carried out at least 25 murders against Greeks and other nationals, including the assassinations of U.S. CIA chief Richard Welch in 1975 and British diplomat Brigadier Stephen Saunders in 2000. The remaining members of the group were eventually caught in 2002.  

 

What next for Greece?
Even if the street violence subsides, the political pressure on Karamanlis is unlikely to subside more so given how he has staked his name on economic reform. His administration survived a turbulent 2007 and 2008 has given Greece more of the same.